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epub China: Fragile Superpower: How China's Internal Politics Could Derail Its Peaceful Rise download

by Susan L. Shirk

  • ISBN: 0195306090
  • Author: Susan L. Shirk
  • ePub ver: 1960 kb
  • Fb2 ver: 1960 kb
  • Rating: 4.1 of 5
  • Language: English
  • Pages: 336
  • Publisher: Oxford University Press (April 16, 2007)
  • Formats: lit docx mobi lrf
  • Category: Other
  • Subcategory: Humanities
epub China: Fragile Superpower: How China's Internal Politics Could Derail Its Peaceful Rise download

Once a sleeping giant, China today is the world's fastest growing economy-the leading manufacturer of cell phones, laptop computers, and digital cameras-a dramatic turn-around that alarms many Westerners

Once a sleeping giant, China today is the world's fastest growing economy-the leading manufacturer of cell phones, laptop computers, and digital cameras-a dramatic turn-around that alarms many Westerners. But in China: The Fragile Superpower, Susan L. Shirk opens up the black box of Chinese politics and finds that the real danger lies elsewhere-not in China's astonishing growth, but in the deep insecurity of its leaders

Article in The China quarterly 192 · December 2007 with 52 Reads. How we measure 'reads'.

Article in The China quarterly 192 · December 2007 with 52 Reads. China Fragile Superpower: How China's Internal Politics Could Derail Its Peaceful Rise. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007. ISBN 978-0-19-530609-5 - Volume 192 - David M. Lampton. Do you want to read the rest of this article?

Shirk combines the highest standards of academic scholarship with . China: Fragile Superpower: How China's Internal Politics Could Derail Its Peaceful Rise.

Shirk combines the highest standards of academic scholarship with government experience as the State Department official responsible for . relations with China during the Clinton administration.

Unless we understand China's brittle internal politics and the fears that motivate its leaders, we face the . Susan L. Shirk starts out her revelatory book on China with a nightmare scenario. A Chinese SU-27 fighter and a Taiwanese F-16 collide over the Taiwan Strait.

Unless we understand China's brittle internal politics and the fears that motivate its leaders, we face the very real possibility of avoidable conflict with China. This book provides that understanding. The incident spirals out of control when the Chinese do what they always do in a crisis: blame the other guy.

China: Fragile Superpower: How China’s Internal Politics Could Derail Its Peaceful Rise. Oxford University Press, 2007. In Susan L Shirk’s China: Fragile Superpower, she utilizes her expertise on China and its leaders to anticipate the threat of China to the world from a very fresh perspective

She will be discussing her book, China: Fragile Superpower: How China's Internal . After reading China: Fragile Superpower, I must confess the answer is most definitely yes. Yet, it is for very different reasons than the ones.

She will be discussing her book, China: Fragile Superpower: How China's Internal Politics Could Derail its Peaceful Rise. Two hundred years ago, Napoleon ostensibly warned that people should "let China sleep, for when she wakes she will shake the world. Professor Shirk argues that it is imperative for Western states to understand the concern that Chinese leaders have about their inability to sustain control and hold on to their power. Yet, it is for very different reasons than the ones we hear about from Washington.

0195306095 David C. Kang. New York: Columbia University Press).

A top diplomat during the Clinton administration, author of the influential book China: Fragile Superpower: How China’s Internal Politics Could Derail Its Peaceful Rise.

China policy, Susan Shirk is one of the most sought-after voices on Chinese politics and .

Once a sleeping giant, China today is the world's fastest growing economy--the leading manufacturer of cell phones, laptop computers, and digital cameras--a dramatic turn-around that alarms many Westerners. But in China: The Fragile Superpower, Susan L. Shirk opens up the black box of Chinese politics and finds that the real danger lies elsewhere--not in China's astonishing growth, but in the deep insecurity of its leaders. China's leaders face a troubling paradox: the more developed and prosperous the country becomes, the more insecure and threatened they feel. Shirk, a former Deputy Assistant Secretary of State responsible for China, knows many of today's Chinese rulers personally and has studied them for three decades. She offers invaluable insight into how they think--and what they fear. In this revealing book, readers see the world through the eyes of men like President Hu Jintao and former President Jiang Zemin. We discover a fragile communist regime desperate to survive in a society turned upside down by miraculous economic growth and a stunning new openness to the greater world. Indeed, ever since the 1989 pro-democracy protests in Tiananmen Square and the fall of communism in the Soviet Union, Chinese leaders have been haunted by the fear that their days in power are numbered. Theirs is a regime afraid of its own citizens, and this fear motivates many of their decisions when dealing with the U.S. and other foreign nations. In particular, the fervent nationalism of the Chinese people, combined with their passionate resentment of Japan and attachment to Taiwan, have made relations with these two regions a minefield. It is here, Shirk concludes, in the tangled interactions between Japan, Taiwan, China, and the United States, that the greatest danger lies. Shirk argues that rising powers such as China tend to provoke wars in large part because other countries mishandle them. Unless we understand China's brittle internal politics and the fears that motivate its leaders, we face the very real possibility of avoidable conflict with China. This book provides that understanding.
Comments (7)

Boyn
If you only read the title of this book and had to guess what it is about, you would probably assume this book is about how China is a fragile superpower due its unstable political system and that it is a house of cards just waiting to collapse.

As of matter of fact, this book is more about the Communist Party's policies and methods of how to remain in power. In short, according to Shirk, these are the three golden rules which the Communist Party follows in order to remain in power: (i) avoid any public unrest (regardless of the reason for the demonstrations) which can escalate and lead to the collapse of the regime (ii) keep the army on the party's side. An important and obvious rule of thumb considering what just happened to Mubarak, former president of Egypt, once the army stopped supporting his regime. (iii) Avoid any disagreement among the top leaders. Clearly, any disagreement among the top leaders can be viewed as weakness and be exploited by the crowds.

In general, Shirk provides an interesting overview to what concerns the top leaders of the Communist Party and what challenges they're facing. I found the chapters about the tense China-Japan and China-Taiwan relationships to be especially interesting and revealing.

The main drawback of this book is that it doesn't provide any substantiation to support her argument that the collapse of the regime will actually halt the rise of China. Does it necessarily mean that China will not grow to be a superpower in the event the Communist Party loses control of the country? Not necessarily. Obviously, if such an event occurs, China will suffer from severe implications (civil unrest, economic slowdown, etc.) in the short-run. However, it doesn't necessarily mean that such an event will prevent China from obtaining superpower status over the long-run.

Nonetheless, this book is highly informative and provides insights into how the Chinese government manages its domestic and foreign policies.
Thordira
The Regional Issue of Religious Education: China

The regional issue in religious education has some special meaning. The representative book to deal with the regional issue of religious education is Richard Osmer and Friedrich Schweitzer’s book, Religious Education between Modernization and Globalization. The subtitle of that book is New Perspectives on the United States and Germany. In that book, Osmer and Schweitzer (2003) describe the transformative progress of two countries – the United States and Germany in a transitional era from modernization to globalization. In other words, the regional issue of both countries constitutes of main stream of that book. They emphasizes that “religious education stands in an interdependent relationships to its social contexts,” since the main goal of religious education is closely related to “a common goal of promoting the well-being of our societies and the human community as a whole” (Osmer & Schweitzer, 2003, p. 5). In this aspect of religious education, I have recently interested in the regional issue between Korea and China. The foreign relationship between both countries adds the dynamics of such meanings with the relational issue of the United States and Japan in Korean peninsula. Chinese students among foreign students to study in Korean universities consist of the most population. Recently 800,000 Korean peoples live in China. According to 2007 statistical analysis of Korean World Mission Association, 14,905 Korean Protestant missionaries worked in 168 countries. Among them, Korean missionaries working in China was recorded at the 1st rank as 2,640 peoples among them.

Especially, the recent foreign issues such as joining the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) leaded by China and deploying the Terminal High-Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system in Korean peninsula promote the multilateral relationship between Korea, China and the United States. In fact, many Koreans have many concerns about Chinese foreign leadership leaded by President Xi Jinping. China and the United States are the big two countries in foreign and economic affairs. In the depth of geopolitical tensions between China and the US and between China and Japan, President Xi is carrying out strongly his “anti-corruption campaign” as Chinese domestic agenda (Feng, 2014, p. 27). And his personal popularity and confidence is very high in China and other foreign countries. Thus, any people anticipates cautiously toward Chinese democratization. However, professional political scientists recognize that President Xi remains the stereotypical pattern of “a pragmatic Chinese leader” and does not change “the course of China’s grand strategy of a ‘peaceful rise’” which is shaped by foreign policy of “Chinese ‘self-righteousness’” to maintain a real “competitor” in relation to the United States about world affairs (Feng, 2014, p. 27). Chinese political scientist Zhu Feng (2014), who is Professor of International Relations at Nanjing University in China, analyzed that the “territorial disputes in the East and South China Seas” with “China’s military modernization” and its expansion is in relation to the concrete realization of “Chinese ‘self-righteousness’ mindset” rather than a direct challenge to the United States’ central role for the liberal world order in world affairs as a “new Cold War” (p. 27).

Even President Xi Jinping’s personal popularity and his political confidence are very high, it is not easy to anticipate the transformative change in Chinese political affair, since the Chinese political leadership maintains its traditional pattern of closed framework. The United States’ influential political scientist Susan Shirk, who is Professor of China and Pacific Relations at UC San Diego and former Deputy Assistant Secretary of State under President Clinton administration, analyzes the oligarchical structure of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Especially, the leadership election process is very conservative and closed. Generally speaking, in China, the political decision making is determined by the Politburo Standing Committee and the Military Commission. According to Susan Shirk’s (2008) political analysis, Chinese “leadership competition” is covered by “wraps” (P. 52). For example, the hottest political issue of “the Seventeenth Chinese Communist Party Congress in fall 2007” was who becomes a successor of President Hu Jintao (Shirk, 2008, p. 52). Many people thought Zeng Qinghong, who was a right-hand man of former President Jiang Zemin, as Hu’s successor. But the Central Military Commission did not appointed Zeng, who served as vice president, in its number two position, since he was very old (Shirk, 2008, p. 52). Of course, we are able to recognize that China currently experiences “the explosion of information” through “market-oriented and Internet-based new sources” (Shirk, 2011, p. 2). However, the Chinese Communist Party controls the public through its strong media regulation devices and monitors “the actions of subordinate officials” in the local governments through recognizing the openness of media “as a watchdog” (Shirk, 2011, p. 5). In Chinese current circumstances, how do we construct the project of religious education to apply religious educational practice in the foreign relationship between both countries, that is, South Korea and China?

References
Feng, Z. (2014). Geopolitics and China’s response: Be a co-operator and competitor. Global Asia, 9(3), 24-29.
Osmer, R. R., & Schweitzer, F. (2003). Religious education between modernization and globalization: New perspectives on the United States and Germany. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing
Shrik, S. L. (2011). Changing media, changing China. In S. L. Shirk (Ed.), Changing media, changing China (pp. 1-37). New York: Oxford University Press.
Shirk, S. L. (2008). China: Fragile superpower. New York: Oxford University Press.
Prayer: We pray for China in Jesus Christ. We believe that you love that country. Thank you so God. In the name of Jesus Christ, Amen.

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